What happened to DS Najib was the comlpete destruction of Malaysia's legal, constitutional and political system. His conviction and trial was a farce. Whether or not he is actually guilty (as opposed to guilt by an incompetent legal system) there is ample evidence that DS Najib upset the United States and the west in general. The tirades of abuse and allegations of misconduct in office directed against him by a well funded army of so called NGO's and political leaders from Singapore, to Australia and to the United States itself both directly, by innuendo and by implication of their well scripted statements point to something more sinister and dark than what meets the eye.
Najib himself by his wilful silence and his wife's very public ostentatious and loud behaviour aided those who sought to destroy the man and the office he held. His wife surrounded her self with 'leaky buckets'. The term applies to those who sought to enhance their personal standing socially and in their careers by claiming a close personal relationship with the first family, then bragging about it in exaggerated dimensions. There were those (professionals) who actually obtained first hand information about Najib and his family from meembers of Najib'ss household, information covered by privilege and meant to be confidential then released it to the public, to the media and to other third parties.
Najib's advisors were clearly chosseen by Najib and not himself. Thee criteria for being an advisor to Najib was that it needed to be approved by Datin Rosmah Mansor, hiss wife. The legal profession was at the heart of it all. Lawyers from the Malaysian Bar Council had been suborned by open societies and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) to publicly defame the man and to direct allegations of murder against him (Altantuya) which went as far as paying for an Al Jazeera campaign smearing him with false allegations by various "witnesses" to the murder then publishing it in a worldwide documentary. The Wall Street Journal provided the services of two rather limp and pallid "journalists" to write a book (investigative journalism) about the whole affair including that of having received and spent state funds without proper authority.
The axe in the end fell in sheer desperation when the state prosecution could not by any means have succeeded in convicting him, breached all the rules of procedure and natural justice by denying the man his choice of legal representation, claiming that his request was "wasting time" and a ploy to delay the inevitable. That of itself should have rung warning bells in the legal community which it did not, a silence which should have of its own have raised further alarm bells ringing.
No sitting member of parliament, (Which Najib was at tthe time) can be tried in a court of law without first being brought before a parliamentary committee for the purpose to be examined with all the evidence laid before it. Not to do so is akin to bringing the King before the courts. This omission of itself demonstrates how the office of he Agong had become corrupted.
All parliamentarians and judges and certain other offices held under the crown enjoy a certain degree of immunity and indemnity from prosecution during their term in office and beyond for acts and omissions done during their terms on office. It is more than a mere convention of the constitution. Yet none of the DPP (aa self proclaimed constitutional expert) and a former court of appeal judge the late Sri Ram Gopal and Tommy Thomas were both oblivious to the breach and procedural failure as was the Chief Justice of Malaysia.
There were other fatal flaws such as the wanton refusal or omission to call Jho Teik Low the man in the middle of the 1MDB saga. It is often been said that Jho Low's (as the witness was often referred to) whereabouts was unknown. But he did have a legal representative in Malaysia.
The court could have on a proper application by the DPP or of its own power approved an order for substituted service on Jho Low's lawyers. It did not. Attempts at securing other critical material witnesses such as the former governor of the Bank Negara were scuttled so easily by the prosecution when it was abundantly clear that she was a witness who could have provided the smoking gun to the trial.
None of the judges in the trial of DS Najib were clearly impartial or competent. What's more disturbing is that the Malaysian Legal fraternity was deafeningly silent in this matter that pointed to coercion to silence or just general ignorance and incompetence in the law on the part of the profession.
There was a conspiracy to bring DS Najib down and it could only have been planned and executed from within with the aid of foreign forces. From these limited examples of critical omissions on the part of the justice system in Malaysia, the conviction of DS Najib remains unsound and unreliable.
Najib is no pawn - he is the puppet master. Backed by stolen billions, he is financing an operation to try and buy his way out of the Kajang Palace. He calls the shots, he does not look for sympathy.
What happened to DS Najib was the comlpete destruction of Malaysia's legal, constitutional and political system. His conviction and trial was a farce. Whether or not he is actually guilty (as opposed to guilt by an incompetent legal system) there is ample evidence that DS Najib upset the United States and the west in general. The tirades of abuse and allegations of misconduct in office directed against him by a well funded army of so called NGO's and political leaders from Singapore, to Australia and to the United States itself both directly, by innuendo and by implication of their well scripted statements point to something more sinister and dark than what meets the eye.
Najib himself by his wilful silence and his wife's very public ostentatious and loud behaviour aided those who sought to destroy the man and the office he held. His wife surrounded her self with 'leaky buckets'. The term applies to those who sought to enhance their personal standing socially and in their careers by claiming a close personal relationship with the first family, then bragging about it in exaggerated dimensions. There were those (professionals) who actually obtained first hand information about Najib and his family from meembers of Najib'ss household, information covered by privilege and meant to be confidential then released it to the public, to the media and to other third parties.
Najib's advisors were clearly chosseen by Najib and not himself. Thee criteria for being an advisor to Najib was that it needed to be approved by Datin Rosmah Mansor, hiss wife. The legal profession was at the heart of it all. Lawyers from the Malaysian Bar Council had been suborned by open societies and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) to publicly defame the man and to direct allegations of murder against him (Altantuya) which went as far as paying for an Al Jazeera campaign smearing him with false allegations by various "witnesses" to the murder then publishing it in a worldwide documentary. The Wall Street Journal provided the services of two rather limp and pallid "journalists" to write a book (investigative journalism) about the whole affair including that of having received and spent state funds without proper authority.
The axe in the end fell in sheer desperation when the state prosecution could not by any means have succeeded in convicting him, breached all the rules of procedure and natural justice by denying the man his choice of legal representation, claiming that his request was "wasting time" and a ploy to delay the inevitable. That of itself should have rung warning bells in the legal community which it did not, a silence which should have of its own have raised further alarm bells ringing.
No sitting member of parliament, (Which Najib was at tthe time) can be tried in a court of law without first being brought before a parliamentary committee for the purpose to be examined with all the evidence laid before it. Not to do so is akin to bringing the King before the courts. This omission of itself demonstrates how the office of he Agong had become corrupted.
All parliamentarians and judges and certain other offices held under the crown enjoy a certain degree of immunity and indemnity from prosecution during their term in office and beyond for acts and omissions done during their terms on office. It is more than a mere convention of the constitution. Yet none of the DPP (aa self proclaimed constitutional expert) and a former court of appeal judge the late Sri Ram Gopal and Tommy Thomas were both oblivious to the breach and procedural failure as was the Chief Justice of Malaysia.
There were other fatal flaws such as the wanton refusal or omission to call Jho Teik Low the man in the middle of the 1MDB saga. It is often been said that Jho Low's (as the witness was often referred to) whereabouts was unknown. But he did have a legal representative in Malaysia.
The court could have on a proper application by the DPP or of its own power approved an order for substituted service on Jho Low's lawyers. It did not. Attempts at securing other critical material witnesses such as the former governor of the Bank Negara were scuttled so easily by the prosecution when it was abundantly clear that she was a witness who could have provided the smoking gun to the trial.
None of the judges in the trial of DS Najib were clearly impartial or competent. What's more disturbing is that the Malaysian Legal fraternity was deafeningly silent in this matter that pointed to coercion to silence or just general ignorance and incompetence in the law on the part of the profession.
There was a conspiracy to bring DS Najib down and it could only have been planned and executed from within with the aid of foreign forces. From these limited examples of critical omissions on the part of the justice system in Malaysia, the conviction of DS Najib remains unsound and unreliable.
Najib is no pawn - he is the puppet master. Backed by stolen billions, he is financing an operation to try and buy his way out of the Kajang Palace. He calls the shots, he does not look for sympathy.